Monthly Archives: March 2011

Conference supports tougher action on banks and bonuses

This morning the Liberal Democrats overwhelmingly voted in favour of taking tougher action on banks an bonuses. In a highly topical debate delegates applauded proposals put forward by the Social Liberal Forum to, amongst other things:
• break up banks ‘too big to fail’ into smaller, safer entities
• ensure that in State-owned banks, pay packages larger than that of the Prime Minister are fully disclosed
• split high-risk banking away from ordinary high-street banking, with no State guarantee for the former
• take measures to tackle financial exclusion for the vulnerable.

Naomi Smith, summing up the debate, said:

“Adam Smith said that when businessmen get together it is to act against the public interest – the British Bankers Association affords a classic example of this. We can no longer tolerate the position where profit is privatised and losses nationalised.”

The final agreed motion is on the Party website.

Here is the text of the opening speech given by Prateek Buch when he proposed the motion:

Friends, let me begin with an apology and an acknowledgement.

The apology is for not being Lord Oakeshott – I’m sure you’d have preferred to hear from him but as Matthew can’t be in Sheffield today for family reasons, I get to move the motion we wrote together.

The acknowledgement is for Stephen Willams MP whose motion we may well have been debating now instead of this one – I’d like to say that Stephen’s proposals, not least his scheme to distribute a stake in the State-owned banks to every citizen, deserve to be fully debated and endorsed by Conference and I look forward to doing so soon.

On to our Motion then, which calls for tougher action on banks and bonuses.

It may be fair to say that this Coalition Government – our Coalition Government, has done more to address the deepseated malaise at the heart of our banking system in less than 12 months than the previous administration did in twelve years and more.

With the institution of the Vickers Commission and the Project Merlin agreement between the leading UK banks, we’ve finally begun to reverse decades of under-regulation of the financial services sector.

But let’s be clear on two things. This government could hardly do worse than its predecessors; the previous Labour government – and the Tories before them – were directly complicit in the creation of an unsustainable banking boom that went bust so spectacularly that we’ll be picking up the pieces for decades.

And although I said we’d started down the road to a better banking future, a start is all we’ve made – the aims of Project Merlin were certainly laudadble, but it’s language simply doesn’t go far enough.

It’s easy to see just how far we’ve yet to travel; the continued payment of exorbitant bonuses at taxpayer-subsidised banks – even those that continue to report heavy losses, demonstrates that Merlin was wrong to still depend upon voluntary restraint on pay and bonuses – that really is as likely as pigs soaring above Canary Wharf.

This is why we call for pay transparency requirements to be extended so that we can see just how distorted executive – and non-executive – pay has become. But I wanted this Motion to go beyond tackling manifestly unjust remuneration, because even the toughest action on this risks leaving the underlying structure of banks as it is – a dangerous game to play.

This is why we call for policies such as the separation of high-risk casino-style banking from the vital utility function of ordinary high-street services. Or, the break-up of banks ‘too big to fail’ into smaller, safer entities.

Or even the requirement for large banks to hold greater capital reserves and to make living wills – now on this, I am aware that we need international agreement but let’s not hide behind that as an excuse, let’s lead from the front in calling for banks to be put on a more solid footing than they are today.

The Motion also proposes that the Green Investment Bank be just that – a fully functioning bank and not just a fund, as well as calling for measures that tackle financial exclusion for the vulnerable. The former, that Chris Huhne and Nick Clegg have argued for in the face of some resistance, is vital if we are to design a greener, more sustainable economy than we currently have.

The latter, for me at least, is why Liberal Democrats are needed in government – to stop the obscene iniquities that arise from the poor being charged to withdraw their own money from an ATM, whilst in the next street the millionaire banker rakes in the profit. In an age of public austerity it just isn’t right, we can’t tolerate banks perpetuating financial exclusion and we must help put an end to it in all forms.

And that, ultimately, is what this Motion is about – restoring banking to its rightful place as a service investing in a vibrant, diverse economy, not a sectional interest holding the rest of us to ransom for the sake of short term gain – and that too for the select few.

It’s about bringing rewards in the industry in line with performance and about preventing spillover from future financial crises into the wider economy.

You may as why I, or the Social Liberal Forum and its supporters who signed this Motion, think it’s fair game to intervene in the banking market – that’s not what liberals believe in, is it? I’ll draw my remarks to a close by addressing that question.

As far as I’m concerned, freedom and liberty are what matter – but not that of the banks, that of the people – and people aren’t free to live the lives they have reason to value if unaccountable corporations charge what they want, pay themselves what they want and keep for themselves the means for others to live fulfilling lives.

People aren’t free to pursue their goals as citizens free from the fear of financial collapse if they’re forever liable to bail out reckless banks to the tune of hundreds of billions of pounds.

And ultimately, it’s with policies like these, unashamedly harking back to the Bretton Woods days of a banking system tamed to serve the people, that we can ensure that banks are never again in a position to poison our vision of the Good Society, that they help us instead realise our vision of a fairer, more sustainable economy – with that I urge you to support the Motion and help keep Lib Dems at the forefront of taking tougher action on banks and bonuses

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Nick Clegg must now deliver the changes in NHS policy that the Lib Dems have demanded – Harris

Responding to the overwhelming vote which called for amendments to be made to the Health Bill going through Parliament to get rid of the marketization and enhance accountability, Dr Evan Harris, who drafted the amendment, said:

“It is now incumbent on Nick and his ministerial team to deliver the major changes to the Government’s Health Policy and the significant amendments to the Health and Social Care Bill that the Liberal Democrats have overwhelming called for.”

“Because the health reforms were not in the coalition agreement, today’s vote is the only view expressed by the party on the subject, and sends a very clear message through the minister and our leader to their Conservative Coalition partners that we will not accept market reform of the health service, any fragmentation or destabilisation of NHS services by new private providers or the lack of accountability for the spending of public money envisaged in the model of GP commissioning promoted in the bill.”

“The onus is now on the Government to respond fully to the democratically expressed views of the Liberal Democrats.”

The amendments to the motion were carried virtually unopposed – but we are still gathering support for them. If you are a Liberal Democrat and would like to support to the amendments (which you can read in full here), please contact admin@socialliberal.net so we can add you to our growing list of signatories.

The final agreed motion is on the Party website.

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Questions from Social Liberal Forum Members to The Rt. Hon Dr Vince Cable, January 2011

Jon asks:
The last serious survey on the subject, about 10 years ago, showed that graduates earn on average some £600,000 more than non-graduates over their working career. I don’t think there can be any debate about the fairness of students contributing about 3 to 4 per cent of the cost of their passport to greater riches. It would be regressive taxation for poorer taxpayers to have to shoulder the burden. The real issue is repayment, and when. It should be seen not as a discouraging short-term debt, but as a long-term investment – a kind of career mortgage, to be repaid over a similar period. Why can’t the government accept and implement this?

Jon, I believe what the Government has implemented is like a mortgage but with more protection built in for low earners – unlike a mortgage debt lower earners will not have to pay. Graduates will pay for 30 years or until they have repaid the amount they borrow dependent on their income once they earn over £21,000. If their earnings rise, the amount they repay and the interest they accrue increases and if their income drops payments decrease.

Sarah asks:
Within the cabinet, how was the cut to the teaching grants decided?

As part of the spending review process I and other ministers carefully considered all the spending done by the business department. We had to reduce spending significantly and had to look at radical ways to protect services. In the case of Higher Education we knew that graduates enjoy a lot of the benefit from higher education; we judged that increasing the contribution they make we could protect the ‘amount’ of higher education available while contributing to the deficit. We were also able, as a result of difficult decisions on Higher Education budgets, to afford some protection to further education which has been stripped back under the previous Government and protect science which is crucial for growth. Overall university funding has been cut by 25% along with the department average.

Alan asks:
I am a 2nd year student studying Politics and Economics at a top 10 British University. In the first year of my degree, my lecture attendance rate was less than 10% (I was a PPC, worked for a local party and chaired an SAO!). Yet I still achieved 59 for the year – that 59 of course does not count towards my degree classification. Indeed for my “Great Political Texts” module, I read not a single text and attended 2 of the 10 lectures, yet I received 60 for the module. And despite barely participating in my course last year, I am expected to get a 2:1 for my degree. This is not me boasting – this is true for many students across the country, I don’t claim to be any exception. Why are you going to expect an undergraduate to pay £9,000 for a years tuition which they do not need to attend? I cannot understand why the government has ducked much needed University reform such as getting rid of the first year of most degree courses, moving vocational courses to an on-the-job business setting and other measures to save money. Why are we moving the cost of this inefficiency onto the student, rather than tackling it head on?

As part of our reforms we will be putting far more responsibility on universities to account for the prices they charge. They will have to publish detailed information about teaching time and employability rates of their graduates to justify the value for money they offer students and they will have to cater to student demand far more now that a greater proportion of their income flows through the student rather than direct from the Government.

Janet asks:
Was the option to delay our commitment to reducing fees considered and if not why not given that the impact on deficit reduction would have been negligible during this parliamentary term?

We looked at all the options such as a graduate tax, cutting student numbers or cutting funding for universities with no means of replacement and found that none of the alternatives were workable or desirable. We did not want to deprive tens of thousands of young people a university education or see the quality of that education deteriorate so we could avoid a very difficult political decision. We could not find a way to ensure that we could collect a graduate tax from people who moved abroad or EU students.
Cutting the deficit has to be sustainable; our plans close the gap between government income (tax receipts) and government spending in the next 4 years but they ensure the gap does not reopen in years to come.
Our plans to reduce the teaching grant to universities reduces government spending in this parliament but by increasing the income related loans to students we allow the number of student places and standard of teaching to remain the same and the repayment system protects low earners. In the first few years of the system government outgoings in loans will be increasing but as they are loans, the majority of which will be repaid, they do not contribute to a gap between Government income and spending over the long term and are accounted for differently on the Government balance sheets.

Peter asks:The government has spoken about shorter degree courses for students; two years instead of three. Are you aware that universities are increasingly moving to four year courses with one year on an industrial placement (charging tuition fees for all four years, although reducing the amount for the placement year)? How does that fit in with the two year course proposal, which it seems to completely contradict?
Also, why wasn’t the NUS pledge included in the coalition agreement? Many people, particularly students, potential students and their parents, saw the abolition of tuition fees as a flagship Liberal Democrat policy, for many of them it was THE flagship Liberal Democrat Policy that led them to support us. The Policy Response team said that the NUS pledge was consistent with Party policy, which is clearly true, but despite both these points it wasn’t in the coalition agreement.

To take your first point, I have not suggested that all degrees should be two years but that universities should respond to what students want. I think that sandwich courses with a year in industry are good for students looking to go into a specific industry and can provide invaluable experience relevant to their studies. The Government does not want to micromanage universities and what they offer but give students the power and information to demand a more responsive system.
On your second point, during the course of an election campaign MPs and candidates sign many pledges – they are devices by campaign organisations to build the profile of their causes and get political support for it. The NUS pledge clearly was clearly more significant than most but it would not have been appropriate or wise to pick campaign pledges as a basis for Government. The Coalition Agreement’s conditions for creating a system of student finance were far more comprehensive than the NUS pledge as they included increasing social mobility and attracting a higher number of students from disadvantaged backgrounds.

Nigel asks:
1. How will the change in HE funding reduce the deficit when it is clear from various analyses (IFS, Million+) that the cost to the exchequer is likely to be higher not lower in the years through to 2015?
2. In the light of this, how can we justify the move from funding by the taxpayer to funding by the graduate? Is this not simply an ideological choice, and one that is contrary to agreed party policy?
Cutting the deficit has to be sustainable; our plans close the gap between government income (tax receipts) and government spending in the next 4 years but they ensure the gap does not reopen in years to come.

Our plans to reduce the teaching grant to universities reduces government spending in this parliament but by increasing the income related loans to students we allow the number of student places and standard of teaching to remain the same and the repayment system protects low earners. In the first few years of the system government outgoings in loans will be increasing but as they are loans, the majority of which will be repaid, they do not contribute to a gap between Government income and spending over the long term and are accounted for differently on the Government balance sheets.

Prateek asks:
1. Once the decision was made to cut the teaching grant by 80%, it strikes me that more of the cost of a degree could have been passed on to the business sector which demands such high numbers of graduates. Is it feasible to reverse a proportion of the Chancellor’s cut in corporation tax to fund part of the cost of tuition? If not, what measures will BIS be taking to encourage business to pay for scholarships, teaching posts and departments?

I agree that employers need to be far more involved in higher education as they, like graduates, do enjoy some of the benefits. The forthcoming White Paper will explore how we get business more involved. There are already schemes running such as the recently announced KPMG programme at Durham University which will pay fees and a salary to accountancy students who will also get work experience at the firm during their studies. We need to do more to encourage such schemes.

2. Some universities will be expected to reduce the cost of delivering their teaching, and shorter degrees have been postulated. What measure will BIS take to encourage greater distance-learning, better use of electronic resources and delivery of teaching through local Further Education institutions to save on costs – or will these measures be left up to individual Universities to implement?

For the first time we are making loans available to students studying part time which will make this option far more attractive to students. Our white paper will explore how we can ensure that FE providers can offer more HE locally at lower costs. Universities will have to publish more information about the courses they offer and what students can expect. As more funding for universities will now flow through students their choices and preferences will shape university behaviour to a greater extent than is currently the case.

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SLF amendments to motions

Saturday 9.15 – F3 – Community Futures

At end of Motion F3 (line 85), insert:

Conference believes that voluntary work is boosted more effectively by the concrete measures set out in these policies, and by adequate public funding for the charitable and not-for-profit sector when delivering public services, than by mere sloganeering and nebulous references to the “Big Society”.

Saturday 10.45 – F5 – Updating the NHS

Delete lines 6-15

Amend line 16 to read:

Conference welcomes much of the vision for the NHS set out in the Government’s White Paper …

Add after line 38:

Conference recognises however that all of the above policies and aspirations can be achieved without adopting the damaging and unjustified market-based approach that is proposed.

Conference therefore reaffirms existing Liberal Democrat health and localism policies which call for healthcare commissioning to be carried out by locally elected health boards or local authorities, with the ability to vary a fair local tax in order to invest in local healthcare services;

Conference regrets that some of the proposed reforms have never been Liberal Democrat policy, did not feature in our manifesto or in the Coalition agreement, which instead called for an end to large-scale top-down reorganisations.

Conference therefore calls on Liberal Democrats in Parliament to seek to amend the Health bill to provide for

a) more democratically accountable commissioning
b) a much greater degree of co-terminosity between local authorities and commissioning areas
c) no decision about the spending of NHS funds to be made in private and without proper consultation, as can take place by the proposed GP consortia
d) the complete ruling out of any competition based on price to prevent loss-leading corporate providers under-cutting NHS tariffs, and to ensure that healthcare providers “compete” on quality of care
e) the restoration of the NHS as the preferred provider, only allowing new private providers where there is no risk of “cherry-picking” which would destabilise or undermine the existing NHS service relied upon for emergencies and complex cases, and where the needs of equity, research and training are met
f) NHS commissioning being retained as a entirely public function in full compliance with the Human Rights Act and Freedom of Information laws, using the skills and experience of existing NHS staff rather than the sub-contracting of commissioning to private companies
g) The continued separation of the commissioning and provision of services to prevent conflicts of interests
h) An NHS, responsive to patients needs, based on co-operation rather than competition, and which promotes quality and equity not the market

Sunday 9 50 – F 16 – Strategy, Positioning and Priorities

Insert after line 49:

1A Calls for the programme of the Coalition Government in the second half of the Parliament to include Liberal Democrat priorities drawn from our manifesto and policies, and for such a programme to be agreed by the democratic structures within the party and in line with the strategic approach set out in this motion.

1B Calls for there to be effective consultation with the party at large, through its democratic structures, when new Government policies are proposed, which are not included in the Coalition agreement, and which conflict with Lib Dem policy or principles

1C Calls on the Federal Executive and the Federal Policy Committee to
i) review, in consultation with the Parliamentary parties, the challenges of coalition which have an impact on the independence of the party, its policy position or its freedom of political movement
ii) report back on whether the existing constitutional provisions and other arrangements
are sufficiently democratic and
iii) propose recommendations, for any constitutional amendments or other protocols which may be needed, in time for debate in September 2011

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SLF Emergency Motion

Action on banks and bonuses

Conference notes
a) the importance of a healthy banking system to the future of Britain’s economy
b) the regrettable failure of decades of ‘light-touch’ regulation that socialises risk and privatises extraordinary profits at the expense of sustainable investment and growth.
c) that Liberal Democrats have long emphasised the need to tackle disproportionate rewards for risky financial behaviour and the concentration of power in the hands of a few in the City of London
d) that the Independent Banking Commission is likely to postulate significant reforms later this year.

Conference therefore welcomes the aims of the recent ‘Project Merlin’ agreement with the UK’s leading banks to:
• Increase the credit available to British businesses
• Improve transparency over executive pay
• Reduce the overall bonus pool.

However, Conference is concerned that
i) the ‘Merlin’ reforms are insufficient
ii) the language of the ‘Merlin’ agreement is weak and will be hard to enforce, particularly with regards to net lending to business and transparency on bankers’ remuneration, with no disclosure requirement for the highest earners not on the Board.

Conference therefore calls on Liberal Democrats in Parliament, and most importantly those in Government, to ensure that the recommendations of the Vickers Commission are carried out promptly and in full. Conference calls for:
A) Banks supported by the taxpayer to be broken up into smaller, safer entities, with effective competition restored and full disclosure of all pay packages larger than that of the Prime Minister while they remain State-owned.
B) All large-scale banks to divest their investment banking arms, with no explicit or implicit State guarantee for this activity.
C) Pay transparency to be extended to highly paid traders and other employees, not just Executives, with salary and bonuses that exceed an agreed ratio to median salary to be published alongside an explanatory justification.
D) Large financial institutions to hold greater capital reserves and to make ‘living will’ arrangements to act as stabilisers in the event of further market failures such as those seen during the recent financial meltdown.
E) The imminent Green Investment Bank to be a fully functional bank and not a fund, securing much-needed investment in low-carbon technology and jobs.
F) Measures to tackle financial exclusion for individuals and small business, with a Basic Banking Guarantee; a public bank administered through Post Offices; a commitment from high street banks to provide fee-free ATMs within walking distance of all deprived communities; as well as reducing unfair bank, credit card and loan charges.
G) Greater support for local credit unions and mutuals.

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SLF fringe meetings at Spring Conference 2011

Conference Diary in brief

Day Time Event
Friday 11th 3pm Inequality consultation
Friday 11th 8pm Fringe meeting: Is the Health Bill toxic for the NHS and for the Lib Dems?
Saturday 12th 1pm Fringe meeting: Q and A with Vince Cable
Saturday 12th 6.15pm Fringe meeting: Distinctiveness and Independence
Sunday 13th 9.20am Emergency motion

Friday 11th March

Consultative session on Inequality

This takes place from 3pm to 5 30 in the Mercure St Paul’s Hotel City Suite C. Chaired by SLF Chair David Hall- Matthews, this is an opportunity to have a say in the party’s future policy on this vital issue.

Special fringe meeting on Health: Is the Health Bill toxic for the NHS and for the Lib Dems?

Ahead of the key debate on health policy, this fringe meeting gives you a chance to question the minister Paul Burstow and hear from speakers including Baroness Shirley Williams. Baroness Williams recently made it clear that she is not a supporter of Andrew Lansley’s plans. It is a joint meeting organised by the Social Liberal Forum and Keep our NHS Public and is sponsored by the Guardian.

The meeting , which does not appear in the published directory, takes place at 8pm in City Suite C at the Mercure St Paul’s Hotel.

The conference rally finishes at 7.30pm, leaving plenty of time to get to the hotel for what promises to be a lively and well attended event.

Saturday 12th March

Vince Cable Q and A

Hosted by the Social Liberal Forum, Vince Cable will be in conversation with Dr Evan Harris. The theme – post 18 education.

Taking place from 1pm till 2pm this is your chance to question one of our Cabinet members on a range of issues from funding to access.

The venue is the North Hall of Sheffield City Hall.

Distinctiveness and Independence

A panel of speakers will discuss how we can better demonstrate our differences from the Tories.

Speakers include Tim Farron Lynne Featherstone, David Aaronovitch of the Times and SLF Chair, David Hall-Matthews.

Taking place from 6.15pm to 7.30pm, the venue is the Mercure St Paul’s Hotel, City Suite C

Sunday 13th March

Emergency motion slot

The Social Liberal Forum is organising a motion on banking which we hope will be selected for this slot. You can read the text here. If you are a conference representative, please do support our motion in the ballot.

We hope to see you at conference.

Meanwhile, if you have any queries please contact admin@socialliberal.net.

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