Monthly Archives: April 2009

Labour’s Love lost

When I was 16 I joined the Labour Party for much the same reasons Daniel Clarke did; now the former Labour PPC for Eastleigh has joined the Liberal Democrats because he feels that our policies best advance the causes he cares passionately about, social justice, the environment and above all moving towards a Britain of ‘opportunity for all’. One thing I think we still don’t fully grasp in this Party is that for many people the commitment to the Labour Party is often as much emotional as intellectual. In many places voting Labour is almost a badge of identity (due largely to historic class identification) so winning support from ex-Labour voters is as much a question of a emotional as intellectual dialogue. We have to create an emotional identification between our hopes and dreams and the aspirations of our target voter.

It won’t surprise anybody to hear I agree whole-heartedly with that argument but it might interest them to know why I feel the only route for people who share the same concerns as Daniel and me is to oppose this government totally and support the Liberal Democrats.

Taxing Times:

Much has already been written in favour of our taxation proposals and I don’t intend to go over old ground but instead of looking at our proposals let’s look at the government’s proposals. Much fuss and bluster is made about the new 50p rate but little is said about the 0.5% hike in National Insurance Contributions. This is a real tax on wealth creation (as opposed to a tax on already existing income a fair portion of which will not flow back into the system); when the economy contracts people lose their jobs and when it is growing more people are employed. However, when people are employed they spend more and thus more people need to be employed; it thus makes sense that the motor force of any economic recovery is not only keeping people in work but making sure they are able to stay there. Why, then, has this government to levy a punitive tax increase on both employees and employers?

In reality, the rise in NIC’s is as bad as the now infamous 10p tax blunder. A mistake which cost the Exchequer a fair amount of money in itself it might be added and it is a mistake which will cost the British economy dear; and, of course, it is a hike that will hit the lowest earners hardest as even more of their income is taken by the taxman (not to mention the downward pressure on wages that will result). Here we see the ineptitude of the government in full flush as it desperately tries to claw back the money it has spent any which way it can. So, all the good work which was done in regards to introducing a minimum wage is undone virtually in one fell swoop.

Purchasing Problems

We all know where most of that money was spent; on slinging a life buoy to the floundering banking system. However, Labour has refused to take control of the banks outright; call me old fashioned but when I buy something I expect ownership to pass to me. No doubt this was borne of an inbred timidity, a determination that no matter what ‘Old Labour’ shouldn’t be seen as being steering the ship. It however has proved to be disastrously misguided as the banks have taken the money with a Thank You Very Much and used it to write-off the bad debt that they created in the first place or else fund exorbitant pension deals for people who could barely be said to have earned them. We were rightly told that the financial sector needed to function and be saved to lessen the damage on the wider economy but instead of acting in the interests of wider society acted to prop up a system that had already failed; badly and rewarded the people who steered the ship onto the ice

Interest rates have come down so surely that will reduce debt problems? Not if you happen to have a credit card from the Royal Bank of Scotland group as they now charge a whopping 16.9% interest rate on it’s credit card. Remember, this is a company that we allegedly own a 58% stake of; so, as you can see we really got value for money there.

Education, Education, Education

One of the key facilitators of actual movement and social mobility is education and the start and here we see an awful lot of problems with the government’s approach. Tuition fees remain regardless of ability to actually pay them back, so a student who I know personally but shall remain nameless whose family is likely to pay back their fees is treated the same as somebody who will come out of University, struggle to find a job in the current climate, and will thus be saddled with debt from the start (and thus incidentally will be able to contribute less economically).

So, instead of helping those who start from behind the race run with the pack we are saddling all the runners with a lead-filled backpack and those that are ahead stay ahead albeit moving at a slower pace. One of the great boasts of this government is that it would eradicate child poverty and yet again it is a headline-grabbing measure which sounds amazingly like social justice but actually falls well short on delivery, this is because the government is obsessed with the stats and doesn’t watch the ball when it comes to real social movement and prospects.

In terms of boosting families the government would doubtless point to the recent boosts in tax credits and the much-touted Child Trust Fund. However, in terms of how much of this additional money will be seen we are again faced with a question of delivery. Also, with specific regard to the Child Trust Fund we again have a measure which is scattergun. If this government had been inventive then it could have offered large tax breaks to higher incomes providing for their children, paying into a ring-fenced fund and actually given more money to people who need it. The lack of targeting is why these measures make barely a dint in the numbers of children actually in poverty and 3 million children remain so.

Envionmentally Toxic

We all know that the recent Budget provided a paltry £100 million for the eco-towns project and to be totally fair there probably isn’t the money available to invest in renewable energy there was all those years back but the reality is that change has been so piecemeal that this can go on the charge- sheet.

Obsessed as always with targets over delivery the government has enshrined climate change targets into law; however, this is an area where we need to keep our own party honest. The ‘Green Tax Switch’ seems to have mysteriously vanished off of the Liberal Democrat radar. Measures such as a windfall tax on energy companies to cut energy bills are socially redistributive and ones we should champion vigorously.

One aspect of this which may have to be placed on hold is any form of punitive taxation on fuel duties which are not viable and of questionable social justice value until the public transport infrastructure is much better than it currently is; however, this is an area where incrementally changes can be made.

Conclusion

Labour’s problem historically has been to assume it can sustain it’s base in it’s current place and that this is ‘left-wing’ where as true progress demands much more than 50p tax bands. It demands that while some people pay more; others pay less. It demands that the government is truly opening doors for people to advance (this is something Margaret Thatcher realised well-enough when she captured the votes of those Labour voters who aspired to better and didn’t merely wish to be maintained in their current state). To make an uneven surface level some parts have to be flattened and some elevated. The state is in a unique position to truly level playing fields and actually enable people to advance and it is right that this power is used where necessary but only if the state then steps back and provides the space (as well as the guide ropes) needed for people to flourish. Socialism in it’s statist ossification of society is a failure because state’s cannot take the place of the people in a system of government where the state merely represents the people and even then it barely does that.

A government truly committed to Labour’s foundation values should be opening those doors; not slamming them shut like this Labour government is. It is my contention that although we may disagree with individual policy aspects the Liberal Democrats are actually the true standard bearers of progress as Nick Clegg said not so long ago.

By Darrell Goodliffe

Labour’s Swansong – Our Opportunity

By the time Alistar Darling rose to deliver his speech Prime Ministers Questions had already set the tone with David Cameron undermining the government’s projections at every opportunity and Nick Clegg questioning the record of delivery on pledges of ‘one million new jobs’. Darling had an impossible task because the media narrative of a government ‘ready for the knackers-yard’, as Cameron puts it, is already pretty well-established but even by a reasonable measure the Budget was truly dismal and totally failed to rise to the challenge of the times.

 

Looking at the ‘headline grabbers’ the surprise was unquestionably the announcement of the new 50p top-rate of income tax for those earning over £150,000 and it being brought forward to next year instead of left until 2011. Cameron trying to tie these into duty rises for fuel, tobacco and alcohol as part of a package of ‘tax rises for all’ in an attempt to undermine there popularity is unlikely to work; people are used to punitive taxation on alcohol and tobacco certainly and they are becoming inured to it on fuel too. However, this does put both opposition parties in an interesting quandary whether to oppose or support the increase. If we are committed to a taxation system that is fair then we have to support a shifting of the burden and that naturally involves the top-rate paying more.

 

Where this budget falls down and does indeed lack imagination and boldness as Nick Clegg rightly said it does is tackling the other end of a redistributive tax program; namely the easing of the tax burden on lower and middle incomes. Without easing the pain on the lower end of the scale the small amount raised by the top-bracket is so tiny as to be almost totally symbolic. This is obviously where our call for tax cuts is focused and where it is strongest in opposition to the governments program. One fly exists in the ointment of our proposals; the extension of National Insurance to multiple jobs is a punitive tax on precisely those people we are trying to help who are desperately trying to make ends meet.  Also, we will have to watch carefully our proposals for reform of the tax system with regard to the families and children who have been the main beneficiaries of the government’s largess for the last two budgets.

 

However, it remains stronger and more redistributive than what the government is offering. The area where it is much stronger is that we are looking to radically restructure the taxation system. Darling indicated that the government may well start to sing from our songbook on this area of policy at least. Force of necessity and a budget deficit the size of which you could house several families in is compelling the government to close these; pension tax relief on those earning over £150,000 is to be restricted.

 

National debt is projected to stand at £175 billion for 2009 and fall incrementally in the following years and this is the other ‘headline grabber’. Darling’s projections remain wildly optimistic and are predicated on a surge in consumer confidence and thus consumer spending. However, since what people, except families or those with children, gain will be limited the likelihood here is that Darling’s timidity will undermine the very foundations of his own budget. Cutting taxes for lower and middle incomes is economically sound because these people are the kind least likely to save and thus spend and get the cash flowing round the system again; not being more bold clearly is storing-up trouble ahead. This is especially true when you consider that the 0.5% hike in NIC’s is yet to come in 2011 and that will see these groups spend less; assuming it gets implemented. People will see the headline deficit and baulk but the picture get’s even worse if you look at the projections of the net debt which is expected to rise to 79% by 2013/14.

 

The further £9 billion in extra effciency savings that will be trimmed from the public purse is in reality a political move. Darling wants to postpone ‘tough decisions’ until after an election; if Labour win the next election they will have 5 years to plan and pump extra money in towards the end of their term and if they don’t they can blame the Conservatives. However, here again is where we should push our plan for the reform of the taxation system; in theory, reformed properly it should minimise the hurt for the public sector and allow most services to remain unscathed. Instead, we are left with one measure which will raise a billion in revenue. Also postponed were proposals for reform of the financial sector which will doubtless be sneaked out because they are not going to be as tough as the rhetoric implies.

 

The real sin of this government is not that it is doing nothing but that it is making bold promises which simply don’t come to fruition as Nick Clegg rightly says. The endless schemes and grand ideas either never get implemented or else never yield positive results; it is in this vein that I view the continued extra funding for Job Centre Plus. Why do Job Centres need an extra £1.7 billion? Job Centres do not employ people; businesses do and here once again the grand promises of the stimulus have failed to deliver. Credit is still not flowing; people are not spending, the % of sectors showing growth is miniscule and also allot of people are losing their jobs. If the stimulus had worked and the credit was flowing; even at lower levels than before, this extra investment (still mystified as to what is going to be done with it) wouldn’t have been needed. I have even heard reports that credit card companies are actually increasing interest rates; a move which needless to say is entirely counterproductive to combating debt and getting people spending.

 

However, more welcome is the money ring-fenced for creating additional sixth-form places. I would be greatly surprised if Darling will be able to deliver on his promise to get everyone under-25 who has been unemployed over 12 months into work and/or training by January next year. Investment in clunky, failing schemes is ten-a-penny under this government but real investment where it counts and where it could actually make a difference is harder to find. Thus we find that a paltry £100 million is the only money that local authorities will get to develop eco-friendly housing.  Again, our Green Tax Switch is much more radical than this government which is too timid of it’s past to actually take the moves necessary to get the economy back into shape (a prime example of which is the stimulus which was given to the banks gratis).

 

Bold and radical change which is redistributive in nature is actually the best medicine our economy could have and in that sense the interests of the market and social justice are in perfect harmony as opposed to how it is often portrayed by right-wing free marketers. A healthy market needs a healthy society and vice-versa; a market which does truly serve the people is actually in the markets best interest. Never has there been a more pressing need for those that believe passionately in social justice and redistribution to make their case heard; this government has failed because it is timid and far too reactive; the roof is leaking and Alistair Darling frantically scurries around looking for buckets. We can be proud of the package we are putting forward as an alternative and know for sure that social liberals are actually charting the way forward.  We need to be weary of leftish soundbites which actually achieve zero-sum results in terms of being of real benefit to people and hold the government to account where it fails there so we can rightly call for the money to be invested where it is needed.

By Darrell Goodliffe

Social Liberal Forum to attend Compass Conference

The Social Liberal Forum will be hosting a fringe event at this years Compass Conference; No Turning Back – building a new political economy for the 21st century. The Conference will be held on the 13th June at the Institute of Education in London

Running in the afternoon slot the SLF session is titled Work and Happiness: Democracy and Work-Life Balance.

Register for the Conference on the Compass website, come along and join the debate.

Abolish the Audit Commission, Ofsted and more

The Ideas Factory is a chance for you to pitch your own idea of what should be in the next Liberal Democrat manifesto. The proposal here is not the policy of the Social Liberal Forum. We will however be passing it – and the response it generates – onto the Manifesto Working Group.

The Proposal

Richard Church: Public services are now more accountable to inspectors than they are to the public they serve. Millions are spent on auditing and inspecting schools, hospitals, police and every aspect of local authority services, and millions more are spent by public services in preparing for and responding to inspections. We live by the star ratings and the sound bites that these inspections produce, and public services live or die by a few distorted words in an inspectors report.

The Lib Dem pledge for health services, police etc to be more accountable to local government or new elected bodies will mean nothing unless we take a hatchet to nationally imposed inspection regimes. There will always be a role for checking that public money is soundly spent and that public entitlements are delevered, but from those basics a centralised and self perpetuating inspection industry has grown. Inspections have become routine, when they should be exceptional, to be used when a problem is perceived.

We need to make the inspection industry responsive to local concerns,it should itself be a service that can be harnessed by a local community to tackle a service that has become unresponsive and is offering poor value.

We should create a single locally based inspection agency, able to respond to public concerns about a service (maybe through a petition, scrutiny or councillor concerns) and able to call on natiional specialist expertise to inspect and report on a service giving cause for concern. It clearly needs to be independent of local government, but with the authority to inspect within and beyond local government. The key though is that it is only empowered to act where a sound and verifiable concern has been raised.

Localism means taking some risks, many services will be far more responsive to local needs, but there will always be some that will fail. Inspections can help a service to improve through comparison and challenge, but it does not need the highly centralised and formulaic regime of inspection we have at present. Think of the money we will save!

Responses

Susan Gaszczak: This is exactly the way I see localism working. Inspections bring services to a stand still and often the results do not capture the reality of a service, as we know locally in Hertfordshire. 3* Adult Care Service but contractors being sacked for not providing care!

Inspections should be handled locally, by people who see the day to day service but are not connected with the service. They should be driven by residents or the results of the specified service. Councillors should be given more powers to be able to scrutinize in much more depth.

By doing this we would save millions in lost man hours, spun reports and loss of service for residents because officers are too tied up reporting to the inspectors. The further area that stems from this is exactly where we need KPI’s and how they should be set.

Chris White: The Audit Commission is, of course, not primarily an inspecting body – that function is very new. Its prime role is that of audit.

I presume that we are not suggesting abolishing the national audit function nor indeed proposing that local authorities can choose their own auditors. Indeed, it could be argued that audit objectivity in the private sector could be improved if companies had their auditors appointed by an external agency.

(Yes: I am an Audit Commissioner so you may wish to dismiss this as special pleading).

Money talks: a response to David Boyle

I very much welcome the challenge laid down by David Boyle to the Social Liberal Forum. Indeed, there is very little in it with which I can disagree. In particular, I share the view held by David that the view that ‘everything can be solved by tax and spending’ is mistaken. I strongly believe that we need a revolution in the way that decisions are made in this country, and that we need to take a totally different approach, a sustainable approach, to our day to day lives. We need a more local, more democratic and greener way of approaching politics. That would mean a paradigm shift in the way that we think of power and economics, and these are issues which will be at the heart of the SLF’s work.

Much of David’s article is about the causes of inequality. He rightly cites centralisation, education, snobbery and passivity. In the way that David describes them, none of them are about ‘tax and spending’. I would add another to this list, which crosses over with at least two in David’s list (snobbery and education): the persistence of social class, which leads to generation on generation holding on to power that it has, and perpetuating it through networks which outsiders can seldom access. The persistence of class is sometimes about money, but it is just as often about family connections and schooling, both of which can have an enormous impact on the kinds of informal opportunities and feet-in-the-door that are so often life-defining. Continue reading

Save us from Fabianism

This article originally appeared in the April 2009 issue of Liberator Magazine (#332). Liberator have kindly allowed us to reproduce this here, along with Matthew Sowemimo’s accompanying article.

We have a new Liberal Democrat think-tank. And when there has been little or no thinking around the party for two decades, that has to be a good thing. So why am I uneasy about the appearance of the Social Liberal Forum?

It isn’t that I am suspicious of social liberalism. Heaven knows, I was even a contributor to the excellent essay collection Reinventing the State.

Nor am I a closet ‘market liberal’ – if there is such a thing – dedicated to handing over health and education to faceless American corporates.

No, this is an argument inside social liberalism, but it is an urgent one. Because there is more than one kind of social liberalism, and we can’t afford for the backward-looking Fabian variety to dominate again.

When the electorate demands something progressive, it would be disastrous for us to exhume the soulless old language of the 1970s and argue that we just never tried Fabianism hard enough.

This article is me asserting my right to try to claw back a genuinely Liberal social liberalism from the jaws of the Fabian beast.

It is a kind of open letter to Matthew Sowemimo, Richard Grayson, Duncan Brack, and all the others involved in the Forum, to look forwards – to look for the real reasons why Britain is becoming so unequal. To be Liberals, which means, I believe, rejecting the Fabian idea that everything can be solved by tax and spending. Continue reading

Reconnecting with our radical heritage

This article, an adaptation of the speech Matthew Sowemimo gave at the Social Liberal Forum fringe meeting at Harrogate Spring Conference in March, originally appeared in the April 2009 issue of Liberator Magazine (#332). Liberator have kindly allowed us to reproduce this here, along with David Boyle’s accompanying article.

Social Liberalism is the mainstream philosophy of the Liberal Democrats and has been so since the Grimond era. Social liberalism recognises that an individual’s material and personal circumstances can act as a constraint on them realising freedom. How meaningful is freedom if you don’t have a house or a pension? This core Social Liberal analysis is as relevant to today’s world as it was to the Edwardian era.

While political freedoms such as freedom of speech are crucial, poverty, inherited disadvantage and in today’s world, climate change, can curtail freedom. Lloyd George preceded his challenge to the landed aristocracy with the damning phrase that “a nation that ruled the waves could not even flush its own sewers.” Liberals have used state action to challenge disadvantages that prevent individuals realising their full potential. As Nick Clegg has said, “freedom and liberty mean nothing unless the barriers to progress and opportunity are removed.” Continue reading

Land Value Tax NOW

The Ideas Factory is a chance for you to pitch your own idea of what should be in the next Liberal Democrat manifesto. The proposal here is not the policy of the Social Liberal Forum. We will however be passing it – and the response it generates – onto the Manifesto Working Group.

The Proposal

Tony Vickers: For many Liberal Democrats, income tax is the most progressive of taxes. Those who earn most, so the argument goes, can afford to pay most (Forgetting that top earners are the top avoiders and evaders!).

‘Land taxers’, including ALTER members, usually dispute this. To us, the definition of ‘fairness’ in taxation can be summed up: “pay for what you take, not what you make” or even “tax wealth, not work”. More technically: “internalise the externalities” (which covers “polluter pays”, “no free lunch” and “reward investment”). What ethical or economic justification is there for giving any of one’s productive earnings to Government, so long as those who pollute or monopolise natural resources, do not pay their dues? As Vince Cable has said: “Ability to pay applies to wealth accumulated as well as to earnings.”

Following the Tax Commission and two lively debates in Conference (2006 and 2007), Party policy on land value taxation (LVT) is as follows:-

  • Business rates to be reformed onto a site-value-only basis (Site Value Rating) and largely re-localised, within one Parliament;
  • Site Value Rating to be levied on second homes and development permitted housing land, until residential occupation.
  • LVT more generally – including on domestic property – “longer term”.

We also have an aspiration to raise the income tax threshold to the level of national minimum wage (NMW) – but no plan for how to do this. Among our wider policy aspirations are increased supply of affordable housing, sustainable land use and massive investment in transport and other public infrastructure – all currently unfunded.

As ALTER’s representative on the Tax Commission, I presented proposals to achieve all this which were never discussed. I was told we could not dilute our “Axe The Tax” message with any suggestion of a domestic property tax. With the Credit Crunch, however, all neo-liberal economic textbooks have become obsolete, so perhaps it is time to refine and re-present these proposals, which now have the full endorsement of Liberal Youth. I suggest 5 simple steps:

  1. When scrapping Council Tax and replacing it with a Local Income Tax, retain a national domestic property tax. The easiest way to do this would be to re-introduce ‘Schedule A’ income tax (imputed rent ‘earnings’ on owner-occupied property), hence exempting all who pay rent for their home. An additional personal tax allowance would be given to partially offset the burden on those owning modest homes by local standards – as used to calculate housing rent now. Pensioners would be allowed to defer net payments until death/sale/re-mortgage.
  2. Remove the risk of a house price hike following the removal of Council Tax by ensuring yields from a revived Schedule A balance that from Council Tax now (£21bn). The basic rate threshold can then be raised correspondingly, taking millions of low earners out of income tax.
  3. While the registers of land ownership and value are being completed, require occupiers (a) to pay property taxes (recoverable by deduction from rent) and (b) to self-assess site values, with local authorities given the power to acquire sites at the owner’s valuation if thought too low.
  4. When the first national land valuation is completed, continue a ‘rolling revaluation’ to ensure the tax base remains a fair reflection of the land market and captures the impacts of all infrastructure investments. Convert ‘1’ above to conform with non-domestic site-value rating.
  5. Phase out Stamp Duty, Section 106 (Developers Contributions), Inheritance Tax and Capital Gains Tax (on ‘real property’) over time, replacing them with a higher LVT, captured through income tax and corporation tax systems.

Social liberalism is about ensuring a fairer, more equal society. Ever since Liberals were thwarted from taxing land values to achieve such a society 100 years ago, taxing work and productive profits has served only to keep people poor. Such superficially “fair” taxation does not pay for welfare: it creates so much as create what James Robertson calls a ‘dependency culture’. A century on from the “People’s Budget”, a properly progressive Land Value Tax still remains “the change we need”.

Responses

Richard Huzzey: I should probably declare my interest as a member of ALTER and Green Lib Dems. I’m obviously very sympathetic to Tony: a switch to land value tax is exactly the sort of radical overhaul that the Liberal Democrats should be aiming for. Rather than tinkering with the edges of the current tax system, we should be asking what purpose such an unfair, regressive tax system exists for. I think ‘income tax’ has become fetishized by some liberals over the year as a ‘progressive’ tax, and one that is good for its own sake. Yet, as Tony says, it is easily evaded by the very wealthiest, and is based on some bizarre philosophical reasoning.

So, I’d welcome a broader change to taxing wealth accumulation where it disadvantages others, not wealth creation where it does not harm others. The big challenge, of course is finding a practical way to switch Britain to LVT, as the short-term crossover could be painful and disruptive if done badly. It also needs – as Neil Stockley would remind us – a ‘narrative’ to sell to people on the doorstep. So, while I’m sold on the philosophical advantages of LVT, I predict the struggle to convert the Liberal Democrats will pivot on questions of transition and its viability as a doorstep message. I expect ALTER will need to focus on on the problems of transition (as Tony addresses here) and the question of how you’d sell LVT in a Focus leaflet, and offer a simple message for its virtues against the inevitable smears and spin it would suffer.

James Graham: like Richard, I’m also an ALTER member, and I have similar concerns. I suspect that LVT is something that would be a lot simpler to sell in government than in opposition. Somehow we have to find a way to elevate it up the political agenda, and I suspect that will require someone outside of traditional party politics to make it hit the mainstream.

But within the party, the dynamic has to change from a “nice idea but it will never sell” approach to a “how can we make it sell?” one.